Activist Scholarship (1988)

What should Western-based movements do to facilitate African liberation? There are several important measures. One is opposition to military build-ups. Another is lobbying for the conversion of armaments expenditure to investment in genuine development efforts. Similarly, pressure on Western governments to adopt a non-interventionist policy in countries undergoing fundamental structural change is essential. But policy makers do not usually act against the interests of the groups that put them in power. To ask capitalists to refrain from expansionism is to ask them to cease being capitalists. This is not to suggest that tactical decisions are predetermined. Surely the anti-war movement influenced the U.S. decision to withdraw from Vietnam. Nonetheless, it is not enough to stop Western states from interfering in Africa.

Basic change must come about within African countries themselves. In this process, Western support for realigning the domestic divisions of labor in Africa should be linked more closely to the internal situations within the advanced capitalist countries. Just as production is increasingly international, struggles in various parts of the global political economy must be interwoven. As the struggles intensify, moralizing about the evils of exploitation should not replace thoroughgoing analysis of the crisis.

Equally important to contemplate is the question of what has not been done adequately at all. Although state actions must be continually challenged, it is wrong to allow those who hold the reins of power to set the agenda. Unfortunately, many opponents of their government’s policies in Africa have largely been reactive, their strategies crisis-oriented. Typically, critics have formed single-issue movements: anti-apartheid, nuclear freeze, pro-Sandinistas, and so on. What is required is an interlinking of movements that mobilize constituencies across such diverse issues as militarism, feminism, and intervention in different parts of the world. It is essential to bring home to workers, community groups, and intellectuals precisely how individuals are personally involved in Third World struggles.

Surely there is a long road to travel before liberation is achieved. Setting aside the exaggerated optimism of the early post-colonial period and the ensuing pessimism about Africa’s prospects for development, it is a truism to say that massive struggles in earlier historical epochs, such as the passage from feudalism to capitalism, a transition which engulfed the entire globe, have spawned fundamental transformations. It is out of the crucible of crises and from hard-fought struggles that new social forces emerge and invent creative solutions to deeply embedded problems. Improvements do not come steadily; there are traps and confusions, followed by sudden breakthroughs. And even then it can be hard to measure progress.

If liberation requires a monumental feat, one can say that the Association of Concerned Africa Scholars has contributed modestly to the struggle. Political work and research by Africanist scholars over the last decade have helped to reformulate questions and provide vital information for educators. Now we must continue to expand our membership, form coalitions with like-minded groups, consider the merits of a broader publications program, seek new ways to alter U.S. foreign policy, and open additional channels for assisting the liberation movements. The task is no less than devising novel ways to abolish the grim conditions in which the majority of humankind has been condemned to live and charting strategies for the course ahead.

Originally published in ACAS 10 years On – Now, ACAS Bulletin 23 (1988), pp. 35-40.

Reprinted in ACAS Bulletin 81

United States and other major powers still doggedly refuse to negotiate their lifestyles.

In a Globalized World, Winners and Losers
Published: October 22, 2008 [New York Times]

To the Editor:

Re “The Great Iceland Meltdown” (column, Oct. 19):

Writing about the current financial debacle, Thomas L. Friedman holds that in a globalizing world, “we are all partners now.” He hopes that “globalization will saveth.”

More than 20 years ago, a global commission headed by Willy Brandt, the former chancellor of West Germany, called for a partnership in international development. What have been the results?

At this month’s civil society forum (in which I participated), held just before the World Bank and International Monetary Fund annual meetings, representatives of grass-roots movements complained that the United States and other major powers still doggedly refuse to negotiate their lifestyles.

The market-driven form of globalization cannot “saveth” in the absence of democratic accountability and without restructuring the debt sustainability framework for developing countries.

James H. Mittelman
Bethesda, Md., Oct. 19, 2008
The writer, a professor of international affairs at American University, is the author of books about globalization.

After the Vetoes on Zimbabwe: What’s the Next Step?

NYT

To the NYT Editor:

Re “2 Vetoes Quash U.N. Sanctions on Zimbabwe” (front page, July 12):

Now that efforts to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe and regional mediation have failed to topple the Mugabe regime, what are the alternatives?

Having lived and worked intermittently in southern Africa since 1971, I believe that there are lessons to be learned from the defeat of apartheid.

A divestment campaign in the United States pressured the minority regime. Eventually, in 1985, Gavin W. H. Relly, the chairman of the Anglo American Corporation, defied South Africa’s official policy and led a delegation of business leaders to meet privately with the banned African National Congress in Lusaka, Zambia, where they discussed the transition to a new order.

In Zimbabwe today, there are fissures within President Robert Mugabe’s cohort. The objective should be to hive off the elements ill served by a sham regime and collapsed economy. Absent the Mugabe clique, the prospects for democracy in Zimbabwe, a country with a vibrant civil society and highly skilled work force, are excellent.

James H. Mittelman
Bethesda, Md., July 12, 2008
The writer is a professor of international affairs at the School of International Service, American University.

Original: After the Vetoes on Zimbabwe: What’s the Next Step?

Washington Post: How to Handle Dictators

In a June 22 Outlook commentary, “The Only Answer to the Mugabes of the World May Be a Coup,” Paul Collier advocated encouraging coups to topple dictators and achieve “improved governance” in “such sad little states as Zimbabwe and Burma.”

For him, those countries’ governments are equivalent to their leaders, President Robert Mugabe and Senior Gen. Than Shwe. But history shows that coups beget counter-coups. While living and working in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, I witnessed sprees of illiberal governance that only worsened the prospects for democratic rule in those places. And if developed countries were to adopt Mr. Collier’s recommendation, Mr. Mugabe would be likely to interpret that approach as
vindicating his contention that neocolonial rule is the cause of Zimbabwe’s ills.

The government in a country such as Zimbabwe or Burma is not merely a strongman but a collection of interests and groups.

Western countries should step up external pressure on the ruling cliques and support local initiatives that promote good governance.

This course is morally right and politically wise.

JAMES H. MITTELMAN
Bethesda

Original